Monitoring Policy Making at the United Nations
Global Policy Forum Monitors Policy Making at the United Nations.
 
Security Council UN Finance What's New
Social & Economic Policy International Justice Opinion Forum
Globalization Tables & Charts
Nations & States Empire Links & Resources
NGOs UN Reform  
Secretary General   DONATE NOW
 


Sudan/Darfur


Source: AFP/File/Marco Longari
Sudan has been torn by war since independence in 1956. The civil war between North, and South has left some 2 million people dead and many more that have fled their homeland. At the end of 2003, the Sudanese government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) reached a peace agreement mediated by the US, Britain, Norway and Italy. The agreement aims for a ceasefire, sets out conditions for power-sharing and creates a mechanism to determine the future of the South. However, strategic interests of outside powers and escalating violence in Darfur have rendered a quick conclusion on the peace deal impossible. Sudan's large oil deposits are central to the ongoing violence, as foreign governments and companies vie for lucrative concessions. As the North-South conflict eased, rebels in the western Darfur province challenged the government and were met with savage repression. In July 2004, UN Security Council Resolution 1556 endorsed the deployment of a protection force by the African Union (AU) to monitor the April 2004 ceasefire in Darfur. In November 2004, the Security Council held an extraordinary meeting in Nairobi, but the efforts of some Council members to impose sanctions on Khartoum were thwarted by China and Russia, veto-wielding members with significant oil interests. On January 9, 2005, the Sudanese government and the SPLA signed the Naivasha peace protocols, officially ending the North-South conflict. Yet many obstacles continue to block implementation.

Following months of discussion, the Council adopted three important resolutions in March 2005. To oversee the implementation of the North-South peace agreement, Council members decided to deploy a UN peacekeeping mission to Southern Sudan (UNMIS). The Council further agreed to refer perpetrators of human rights abuses to the International Criminal Court despite Washington’s long-standing opposition to the Court. In response to armed parties’ failure to comply with previous resolutions, the Council also ordered a travel ban and a freeze of assets for human rights violators. But human rights violations continue to take place in Sudan and violence rages on in Darfur. The conflict has spread across Sudan’s western border with Chad. The AU peacekeeping force - called the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) - has an insufficient mandate and inadequate international support, and has been left under-manned, poorly funded and ill-equipped to respond to the rapidly deteriorating conflict. As a result, Secretary General Kofi Annan decided to seek the integration of the AU peacekeeping mission in Darfur (AMIS) into UNMIS. Progress in this effort has lagged, however, as the plan has encountered opposition within the Security Council as well as from Khartoum.


Also See GPF's Pages on: Oil and Natural Gas in Conflict | Peacekeeping | Humanitarian Intervention?

Key UN Documents | Key NGO Documents | Maps | Articles | Archived Articles

Key UN Documents

Highly Recommended ArticleReport of the Secretary General on the Sudan (July 23, 2008)
In this report to the Security Council, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon argues that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the long-running Sudanese civil war, remains fragile. Clashes between northern and southern troops in the oil-rich city of Abyei in May 2008 and the situation in the western region of Darfur have blocked implementation of the CPA. Ban warns that peace in Sudan is indivisible, and that the CPA could fall through anytime, leading Sudan back into a full-scale civil war.

Highly Recommended ArticleResolution 1769 (July 31, 2007)
After threatening further sanctions to prod Khartoum into acquiescence, UN Security Council members unanimously passed Resolution 1769, a watered-down version of earlier proposals. The resolution espouses UNAMID, a hybrid AU-UN peacekeeping mission to Darfur, comprised of 20,000 military personnel and 6,000 police. UNAMID will act under Chapter VII to implement the Darfur Peace Agreement and to protect civilians and aid workers. The UN has yet to secure the cooperation of all of Darfur’s rebel groups, which will be crucial to UNAMID’s success.

Highly Recommended ArticleResolution 1755 (April 30, 2007)
In addition to extending the UN Mission in Southern Sudan (UNMIS) for 6 months, the Security Council calls on the Secretary General to appoint "urgently" a new special representative for Sudan. The resolution also expresses concerns over the restrictions imposed on UNMIS, and urges Khartoum to implement immediately its commitment to support, protect and facilitate all humanitarian operations in Darfur. It further calls upon all rebel groups who have not done so, to sign the Darfur Peace Agreement.


Key NGO Documents

Arms Transfers to Sudan, 2004-2006 (September 25, 2008)
This report by Human Rights First gives an overview of the arms transfers to Sudan from 2004-2006. China, Russia, Spain, Turkey and other countries violated the 2004 Security Council arms embargo that requires all governments to prevent the sale or supply of weapons to Sudan. The US, the UK, France and Sweden also possibly violate the embargo because they did not take all possible measures to prevent the transfer of arms by third countries to Sudan.

Putting People First: The Protection Challenge Facing UNAMID in Darfur (July 28, 2008)
This Darfur Consortium report concludes that the UN peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) fails millions of Darfurians every day. The report argues that even though UNAMID lacks basic equipment and troops, it could still do more to escort civilians and increase patrols. The report urges donor countries to fulfill their promises to provide troops and equipment, but also argues that UNAMID must do more to ensure the day-to-day protection of displaced peoples and aid workers.

Sudan’s Oil Industry – Facts and Analysis (April 2008)
Oil drives conflict in Sudan, according to Fatal Transactions. The report notes that the Sudanese government undermines a peace-deal signed in 2005 between the North and South of the country by failing to move troops from oil producing areas in the South, and refusing to demarcate a border between the North and South that would evenly distribution oil fields. The author argues that state-owned oil companies from China, Malaysia and India perpetuate the conflict by providing the Sudanese government with military and financial support in exchange for drilling rights.

The Chad-Sudan Proxy War and the “Darfurization” of Chad: Myths and Reality (April 2008)
This report by Small Arms Survey notes that France uses an EU multilateral force (EUFOR) to protect its preferred ruler in Chad, Idriss Deby. The French justify the existence of the force by claiming EUFOR provides humanitarian relief to refugees affected by the conflict in Darfur. However, the author, Jerome Tubiana argues that France’s involvement in the force undermines the legitimacy of the UN, and places humanitarian workers at risk of attack. Rather than a military intervention in the conflict, Tubiana suggests that the UN establish peace talks between opposition groups in Chad and the government, as well as between Chad and Sudan.

Beyond Sudan’s Latest North-South Crisis (March 13, 2008)
The United Nations remains “dangerously disengaged” in solidifying a North-South peace agreement in Sudan due to its preoccupation with the conflict in Darfur. In 2005, opposing factions the Sudan Liberation People’s Movement (SLPM) and the National Congress Party (NCP) signed a peace deal that ended civil war in Sudan. Yet, as the International Crisis Group reports, the UN has failed to follow up on this deal. As a result, the NCP refuses to move its troops from oil-producing areas of Sudan, and the SLPM has rearmed in protest. The report urges the UN to “re-engage robustly” to support the failing peace plan.

Humanitarian Advocacy in Darfur: The Challenge of Neutrality (October 2007)
This Humanitarian Policy Group brief analyzes the nexus between humanitarian, political and military action within Darfur. Questioning the impartiality of aid agencies in formulating policy positions, the report claims that traditional notions of neutrality are being eroded. This “non-permissive advocacy”, has led to “high levels of insecurity for aid workers, and continuous efforts by the Sudanese government to curtail what it believes to be ‘political’ activities.”

Sudan: Arms Continuing to Fuel Serious Human Rights Violations in Darfur (May 2007)
As the Security Council discusses extension of the weapons ban on Sudan, Amnesty International calls for the UN to “strengthen the monitoring and verification mechanisms of the UN arms embargo to improve … implementation.” Currently the wording of UN Resolution 1591 allows countries to supply arms to the Sudanese government as long as they are not used in the country. Amnesty calls on governments to stop transferring weapons to Khartoum, in line with international law obligations not to supply weapons knowing that the recipient is likely to use them to violate international law.

Darfur Bleeds: Recent Cross-Border Violence in Chad (February 2006)
Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports an alarming rise in attacks against civilians in Chad by Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militias and Chadian rebel groups. According to HRW, the Janjaweed carry out in Chad what they have done in Darfur since 2003: “killing civilians, burning villages and looting cattle in attacks that show signs of ethnic bias.” HRW calls on the government of Sudan, the African Union, and the UN Security Council to urgently authorize a transition of the AU peacekeeping force in Darfur to a UN mission to prevent the expansion of “ethnic cleansing” into Chad.



Articles

2008 | 2007 | Archived Articles

2008

Ghost Town at the Centre of a Nation’s Future (December 13, 2008)
International media have focused on the situation in the Darfur region of Sudan and have largely ignored the oil-driven north-south conflict. Although the central Khartoum government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) signed a peace agreement in 2005, both governments do not agree on the division of oil revenues in the country. The two sides are rearming and a new conflict is likely, but the Security Council has not sent more peacekeepers to the tense border area between north and south Sudan. (Sunday Herald)

Love Thy Neighbor (November 18, 2008)
The 2005 comprehensive peace agreement between the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the central Khartoum government requires the two parties to share the country’s oil on an equal basis. But after the SPLA signed an oil agreement with Kenya in September 2008, both Khartoum and the SPLA have re-armed. The UN cannot prevent the two sides from re-arming since the 2005 weapon embargo only applies to the western region of Darfur. (Inter Press Service)

Sudan: What Implications for President Al-Bashir’s Indictment by the ICC? (September 25, 2008)
This report by the Institute for Security Studies argues that the ICC has jurisdiction over alleged crimes by citizens of countries that did not sign the ICC’s Rome Statute. The ICC and the UN have concluded a ‘relationship agreement’ committing both parties to respect each other’s status and mandate. Although Sudan is not an ICC member and not all UN members have signed the relationship agreement separately, the author still argues that Sudan must accept the ICC’s indictment of Sudanese president Al-Bashir.

Special Representative for Sudan Rejects Claims United Nations Mission 'Did Nothing' During Abyei Crisis (August 18, 2008)
UN Special Representative for Sudan, Ashraf Qazi, rejects claims that the UN peacekeeping mission in the Sudan (UNMIS) did nothing during clashes between government and rebel forces in May 2008. UNMIS, Qazi argues, successfully evacuated humanitarian workers and safeguarded over 100 civilians. He admits, though, that because of its weak mandate, UNMIS was powerless to enforce peace between both sides’ strong military forces. (ReliefWeb)

Rebel Groups Must Unite to Reach Lasting Solution for Darfur (August 12, 2008)
General Martin Agwai of the African Union-United Nations peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID), argues that UN and AU member states have not reached a political solution in Darfur because they pressure the Sudanese government, but ignore the rebels. Agwai argues that UNAMID must shift its diplomatic efforts in order to engage all 30 rebel groups and create a united front to negotiate peace with the Sudanese government. (UN News Service)

‘There’s No Peace for Us to Keep’ (July 21, 2008)
General Martin Luther Agwai, the Force Commander of the UN Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) claims that peacekeeping has become a deadly business. In this article, Agwai argues that UNAMID remains under equipped and cannot maintain military peace on the ground in the absence of an ongoing political peace process. He urges the UN and its member states to engage the Sudanese government and the Darfur rebels to ensure that the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement come into effect. Then, UNAMID’s peacekeepers would have a peace to keep. (Mail and Guardian)

South Sudan Falls Out With Uganda (July 10, 2008)
After the incursion of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) into southern Sudan in 2002, Uganda and Sudan forged an agreement allowing Ugandan forces to pursue military targets in southern Sudan. However, following accusations that Ugandan forces attacked Sudanese civilians during military operations in June 2008, the South Sudan Government is demanding the withdrawal of all Ugandan troops from Sudanese territory. Relations between both nations remain tense as the South Sudanese Army takes full responsibility to guard civilians against LRA attacks. (Institute for War and Peace Reporting)

Lost Opportunities in the Horn of Africa: How Conflicts Connect and Peace Agreements Unravel (June 23, 2008)
This Chatham House report argues that instead of handling each conflict separately, the UN and the African Union (AU) should deal with the Horn of Africa as if it were a “Regional Security Complex.” The report urges the UN and AU to cooperate with local religious and civil society leaders to better integrate peacekeeping efforts in the region. By doing so, policymakers can further political and economic integration in the Horn region and avoid basing their efforts on richer countries’ agendas.

Can the UN Fix Darfur without Fixing Chad? (June 24, 2008)
This Tehran Times article argues that UN officials who are trying to solve the conflict in Darfur must cooperate with international peacekeeping efforts to normalize relations between Chad and Sudan. The UN peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) cannot keep the peace in the region while relations between Sudan and Chad are strained. The article urges coordination between UNAMID, EU peacekeepers in Chad and the UN mission in the Central African Republic and Chad to enforce the border and end the conflict between both nations. (Tehran Times)

Sudan Rivals Agree on Abyei Plan (June 9, 2008)
Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir and southern leader Salva Kiir have signed a peace agreement to end the conflict over oil-rich Abyei region. The new plan includes an interim administration for the region, which would demarcate a temporary border and assist in the return of displaced peoples. Kiir argues that the agreement will ensure that the region’s oil resources are used for reconstruction along the north-south border, and states that the UN will have free access to the area in order to help displaced people return home safely. (al-Jazeera)

Sudan: Watermelons, Conflict and Climate Change (May 13, 2008)
Climate change triggers conflict over water resources in Sudan. As temperatures rise and rainfall drops in Sudan, pastoral herders and agricultural farmers clash over shared water reserves. However, while this report warns of the dangers of climate change, it also illustrates that the pastoral Kawahla tribe and farming Gawamha people of Sudan offer a useful model of conflict resolution. The two groups have learnt to adapt to the changes in climate – by increasing trade, making use of livestock byproducts on crops, and using community forums to mediate disputes over scarce water access. (Integrated Regional Information Networks)

Sudan: The Census Saga Continues (April 15, 2008)
The Sudanese government attempts to manipulate a national census and maintain control of the country’s rich oil reserves, says Inter Press Service. The census is part of a UN backed Comprehensive Peace Agreement leading to the equitable sharing of oil resources between the North and South, based on population distribution. The author notes that by preventing the return of refugees to the South, the government believes it may control a larger percentage of oil revenues.

The Status of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan (April 2008)
The Sudanese National Congress Party (NCP) fails to implement key aspects of a peace-deal between the North and South of Sudan, according to the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan (UNMIS). The NCP signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in 2005, which promised to share oil revenues between the North and South. However, the NCP refuses to move troops from oil producing areas, obscures government oil assets and fails to abide by a boundary commission ruling for the North and South of Sudan. (UNMIS)

Why Blame China? (February 14, 2008)
This article, by Jonathan Steele, argues that Sudan is a multi-faceted conflict, and that within this context the various rebel forces must share the blame in the protracted violence. China has invoked criticism for its refusal to pressure the government to stop violence in Darfur, often seen as due to its oil interests in the region. However, Steele states, “to put the blame on only one party makes no moral or political sense,” and warns that the UN cannot impose peace in a complex political environment until all parties involved in the conflict lay down arms. (Guardian)

Military Leaders of Sudan and UN-AU Darfur Force Discuss Deployment (January 15, 2008)
The United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) officially took over from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) on December 31, 2007. The UNAMID force has 9,000 troops deployed out of the mandated 26,000 and lacks adequate equipment such as helicopters. However, despite these setbacks talks resumed this week between the Sudanese Armed Force and UNAMID officials to discuss greater access to refugee camps and increased protection of the internally displaced. (UN News)

2007

UN Envoy Pushes for Darfur Progress (December 11, 2007)
UN special envoy to Darfur, Jan Eliasson has made efforts to gather rebel leaders to talk with the Sudanese government. The rebels have formed two groups, one in favor and the other pessimistic about the peace talks. Eliasson emphasized the importance of this meeting since the last attempt in Libya failed. Darfur has more than 200,000 casualties, over 2.5 million displaced people, and a smaller UN peacekeeping operation than needed. (al-Jazeera)

UNAMID Deployment on the Brink: the Road to Security in Darfur Blocked by Government Obstructions (December 2007)
This joint NGO report argues that a calculated campaign of obstruction by the Sudanese government, “interminably delays the deployment of UNAMID.” Criticizing UN member states for a lack of support, the report claims that the people of Darfur will continue to suffer as long as there is no effective peacekeeping force on the ground. The authors call for a strong Security Council Presidential Statement condemning the actions of the Sudanese government, and they demand that UN member states fulfill their commitment in supplying critical equipment.

Sudan’s President Refuses to Budge Over Oil Region (November 18, 2007)
President Omar Hassan al-Bashir stated that, according to the 1905 British border delimitation, the oil rich Abyei region belongs to Sudan’s northern region of Kordofan. But the Southern People's Revolutionary Movement (SPLM) claims it constitutes part of the south. Even after the end of the civil war, tensions still remain as Sudan’s government, Kartoum, and the rebel movement SPLM dispute the Abyei region. (Reuters)

The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping (1): Hybrid Missions (November 2007)
This Friedrich Ebert Stiftung factsheet gives an overview of hybrid peacekeeping missions from 1948 to 2007. The report focuses on the combined missions of the United Nations and the African Union in Darfur (UNAMID), which is the largest and most expensive mission in UN peacekeeping history with a projected cost of US$ 2.6 billion in its first year. The authors stress that UNAMID’s success depends on several factors like the willingness of countries to contribute troops and the political situation in Sudan.

AU, UN Work to Include Darfur Rebels in Peace Talks (October 29, 2007)
The United Nations and the African Union seek to host a three-phase peace process for Darfur in Libya. The first part consists of closed consultations with the Sudanese government, representatives of the international community and the civil society. The second focuses on internal consensus building. Finally, the parties must try to achieve substantial peace negotiations. Main rebel leaders did not appear at the start of the peace talks because the UN-AU did not postpone the date, as they requested. Libyan president Muammar al-Gadaffi recognized that the peace talks won’t work without the presence of the seven most important Sudanese rebel groups. (Agence France Press)

Sudan Chief Meets Southern Leaders to End Dispute (October 16, 2007)
The rebel group, Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) has stated that key elements of the 2005 peace agreement have still not been implemented, including troop deployment and the demarcation of a North-South border. Critics suspect the Sudanese government’s indifference to the North-South issue results from hostilities toward the southerns. SPLM and similar groups complain that the international community focuses on Western Sudan, specifically Darfur, while the displaced persons and mortality rate of Sudan’s North-South conflict continues to escalate. (Reuters)

Arms Continue to Flow into Darfur, Security Council Expert Panel Finds (October 10, 2007)
The UN sent experts to analyze Sudan’s crisis from September 2006 to August 2007. The Expert Panel report indicates that the Sudanese government and rebel groups do not respect the UN arms embargo, and continue to traffic weapons through Chad and Eritrea’s borders. As a result of constant hostilities from all the parties involved, the Sudanese government and rebel groups, disenable the possibility of a peace process. Several international humanitarian and human rights law have been violated and the experts recommend a stronger UN presence in the whole of Sudan. (UN News)

Will The Failed Abuja Diplomacy Be Repeated in Libya? (September 26, 2007)
The author argues that “coercive diplomacy” does not work, and that the peace talks in Libya on October 27 will not succeed without an established common position among Darfur Rebel Movements. The UN Security Council Resolutions on Darfur remain ineffective if the Sudanese government continues its military operations. (Sudan Tribune)

What I Saw in Darfur (September 14, 2007)
After visiting Sudan, United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon declares that Darfur suffers from a humanitarian, political and environmental crisis, and the international community should address the root causes of the conflict. The Secretary General also remarked that to deal with Darfur efficiently, the UN must not neglect South Sudan and the peace agreement signed two years ago. He does not see a possibility for peace without the fulfillment of all the country's basic needs. Although the UN Security Council approved 26,000 peacekeepers in the region, “no peacekeeping mission can succeed without a peace to keep.” (Washington Post)

Blue-Hatting Darfur (September 5, 2007)
Mahmood Mamdani argues in Pambazuka that a UN mission without a political agreement between the warring parties will not promote peace in Darfur. On the contrary, he fears that without a cease-fire the peacekeeping mission will appear as a “military intervention.” The failure of the May 2006 Darfur peace agreement led to increasing enthusiasm for a military solution by some international NGOs, who doubted the effectiveness of the African Union Mission. Western countries cut their funding and support for the AU mission, insuring it would not succeed. Those who favored a military solution then pushed for the establishment of a UN force to “salvage” the situation. The current “hybrid” operation will have many more military assets, but a political agreement remains the key.

South Sudan Concerned All Attention on Darfur (August 24, 2007)
South Sudan’s Information Minister, Samson Kwaje, claims that the UN and international donors focus on Darfur at the expense of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the north and south. For example, donors pledged US$4.5 billion at the treaty’s signing, but the majority has yet to arrive; Kwaje suspects that donors have funneled the funds to Darfur. And, contrary to the CPA’s provisions, the distribution of oil mined in the Abeyi region still favors the north. Kwaje fears that since Darfurians look to the CPA as a model for stability, the treaty’s collapse might have repercussions for Darfur too. (New African)

Khartoum ‘Defying Darfur Embargo’ (August 24, 2007)
Amnesty International accuses Sudan of violating the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council. The NGO bases its claims on photographs of officials transferring containers from a Russian Antonov 12 fighter plane onto military vehicles and Sudanese helicopters at El Geneina airport in Darfur. Additionally, locals revealed that these helicopters provide arms for government troops and Janjaweed militias in Darfur. Amnesty calls on the Security Council to enforce the embargo, for example by stationing UN observers at all points of entry. (BBC)

Sudan Has Bigger Crisis Than Darfur: ’05 Peace Pact Falling Apart (August 12, 2007)
This San Francisco Chronicle article argues that the UN, some NGOs, Hollywood and college campuses have spotlighted Darfur at the expense of another, potentially greater conflict in Sudan which has already killed over two million people. Although the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) technically ended the 21-year North-South civil war, former diplomats and Sudanese officials worry that the CPA will collapse over oil ownership. Likely, the oil-rich south will secede in a referendum scheduled for 2011 under the CPA, and this will renew the fighting.

An Atrocity That Needs No Exaggeration (August 12, 2007)
The New York Times reveals that the “Save Darfur” campaign greatly inflated the number of deaths in order to heighten the sense of crisis in Darfur and press for intervention. Experts have contested the widely advertised death toll of 400,000 and the most reliable estimate suggests that there were 131,000 excess deaths in Darfur as of June 2005, after which date, United Nations and relief groups register a sharp drop. According to the Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disaster, most deaths were due to malnutrition and disease, not violence. “Ultimately, the inflated claims fuel a death race in which aid and action are based not on facts but on which advocacy group yells the loudest,” concludes the article. Facts were manipulated in order to promote a policy of humanitarian intervention.

Geopolitical Concerns Behind United Nations Intervention in Darfur (August 7, 2007)
This World Socialist Website article says that for member states, oil motivates UN intervention in Darfur. In 2005, US President Bush negotiated the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between Khartoum and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) so that the US could control the SPLM’s share of Sudan’s reserves. The agreement ignored the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. But over time, SPLM (and hence western) control over oil deteriorated, and so the US backed British and French efforts to place Sudan’s oil under UN jurisdiction, susceptible to western governments’ influence.

Darfur: Colonized by ‘Peacekeepers’ (August 2, 2007)
This spiked article argues that the “moralized multilateral” intervention of the UN prolongs conflict in Sudan and wrongly portrays it as genocide. Accordingly, the article argues, the UN peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) will become a “de facto protagonist” in the region. International involvement in Sudan (via the AU, UN and soon the EU on the country’s border) has so far led to the splintering of the Sudanese Liberation Movement and inadvertently encouraged rebels to continue war against Khartoum. This suggests that UNAMID might create rather than solve problems in Darfur.

Confrontation Over Darfur ‘Will Lead Us Nowhere’ (July 27, 2007)
China’s special envoy to Darfur, Liu Guijin, expresses frustration that western media, NGOs and US politicians have cast China as a dark, oil-hungry player in the conflict in Sudan, and this, despite the fact that 8.7 percent of Africa’s oil goes to China versus nearly 70 percent to Europe and the US. Liu says that Beijing promotes a negotiated, political solution to conflict in Sudan, and that no peacekeeping mission can successfully function without Khartoum’s blessing. China attributes Darfur’s conflict to poverty and calls for aid and infrastructure development to support a negotiated solution. (China Daily)

Darfur Rebels to Hold Peace Talks (July 26, 2007)
United Nations and African Union negotiators will host talks for Darfur rebels, which have split into 12 factions, in Arusha, Tanzania, with hopes that they can coordinate their positions in preparation for an upcoming peace conference with The Khartoum government. The negotiators have secured at least six of the main rebel leaders’ participation. But the influential Fur tribe’s senior leader, Abdul Wahid al Nur, refuses to attend, and this might lessen the credibility of the talks’ outcome. (Guardian)

How Much Is Ecology to Blame for Darfur Crisis? (July 22, 2007)
According to a UN Environmental Program report, degradation and desertification influence conflict in Darfur. The Sudanese government’s manipulation and appropriation of such scarce resources as land, water and especially oil exacerbate conflict-inciting tensions. For example, in eastern Sudan, Khartoum diverted limited water from grazing land to commercial irrigation, leading to fighting in the region. (New York Times)

State Rules: Oil Companies and Armed Conflict in Sudan (July 18, 2007)
Since oil multinationals discovered Sudanese oil in the 1970s, they have perpetuated Khartoum’s repressive policies, including the North-South and Darfur conflicts. This Third World Quarterly article attributes decades of multinational corporation (MNC) policy in Sudan not only to the corporations themselves, but especially to their home governments. These include home countries and companies such as the EU (Lundin), Canada (Talisman), the United States (Chevron), and more recently China (China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)) and India (Oil and Natural Gas Company (ONGC) of India). Similar relationships between home governments, oil multinationals and host governments exacerbate conflict in other oil-rich countries.

Scientists Find Lake Remnants in Sudan (July 18, 2007)
Water scarcity exacerbates conflict in Darfur, which has suffered two seven-year droughts in the past two decades. But Boston University scientists led by Farouk El-Baz believe that the discovery of an underground lake might alleviate conflict. Both Egypt and UN peacekeeping forces will participate in drilling up to 1,000 wells, which would allow sedentary ethnic Africans as well as Arab nomads to maintain their lifestyles. (Associated Press)

Sudan: Unresolved North-South Conflict Risks New Crisis Beyond Darfur (June 28, 2007)
As the UN and Western governments toy with intervention in Darfur, they ignore tense North-South relations in Sudan. The 1983- 2005 North-South war, which killed over 2 million and displaced over 4 million, ended with the January 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). But the agreement has yet to be fully implemented as its parties, including Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and Sudanese Vice President and South Sudan’s Regional President Salca Kiir, continue to argue over issues such as the status of the oil-blessed Abyei region. (World Politics Review)

Sudan Must Address Climate Ills (June 22, 2007)
According to a UN Environment Program (UNEP) report, Sudanese deserts grew an average of 100 km in the past 40 years. Overgrazing and the loss of 12% of forests in only 15 years exacerbate desertification and drought. The report determines that the resultant competition for land and water incited conflict in Darfur. In the future, climate change could provoke similar conflict in North Africa or the Middle East. (BBC)

A Climate Culprit in Darfur (June 16, 2007)
In this Washington Post column, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon discusses the role of climate change behind the conflict in Darfur. Ban asserts that underneath the sociopolitical unrest, the real reason for the conflict is an ecological crisis. Since the 1980s, a sharp temperature rise in the Indian Ocean has caused a 40 per cent drop in Sub-Saharan Africa precipitation levels. The resulting water shortage triggered the violence between black farmers and Arab nomads in Darfur. Ban proposes economic development as the solution and urges UN member states to work in conjunction with Khartoum, humanitarian agencies and NGOs to cater to Darfur’s urgent needs.

Fresh Diplomatic Row as Darfur Crisis Escalates (June 9, 2007)
The African Union (AU), the Arab League, China, Egypt, Russia and Sudan decried Bush’s unilateral sanctions on government-run oil enterprises in Sudan. Arab League Secretary General Amir Moussa cites the shortcomings of previous sanctions as reason not to apply new ones. Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol downplayed the predicted positive effects of sanctions and attributed them to US self-interest. The US is pressuring the UN Security Council to tighten sanctions, too. Sudan, China and the AU claimed that sanctions will only complicate conflict in Sudan. China, Egypt and Russia propose diplomacy rather than sanctions. (Standard-Nairobi)

Sudan in Bid to Rectify ‘Damaged Image’ of Darfur (June 7, 2007)
Sudan plans to counter US-driven UN Security Council sanctions via diplomacy, and a public relations campaign aimed at repairing its ‘damaged image’. Sudan blames the Western media’s portrayal of the Darfur conflict for constructing the negative image. Towards that goal, the Sudanese government invited journalists from the African subcontinent, supportive Arab states and China to observe the Conference of Intelligence and Security Services in Africa (CISSA) in Khartoum. The Sudanese government also allowed the journalists a supervised trip to Darfur and Juba. (Khaleej Times)

How US Sanctions in Sudan Will Work (May 31, 2007)
The Christian Science Monitor analyzes the US Treasury’s blacklisting system - in essence a list of "Specially Designated Nationals” – comparing it with broader forms of national sanctions. Adam Szubin, head of US Office of Foreign Assets Control, says that the narrowness of the sanctions can make them more effective than broad sweeping embargos by targeting individuals who have allegedly violated international code.

UN Urges Sanctions Patience (May 30, 2007)
Following the US decision to press for broader sanctions against Sudan in the Security Council, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon asks again for more time before introducing a new sanctions package, to secure the deployment of the hybrid peacekeeping force that the UN and African Union have now agreed on in detail. The US has also announced tougher national sanctions that will bar another 31 Sudanese companies from US trade and financial dealings, and target two top Sudanese government officials. (Agence France Presse)

Where Anti-Arab Prejudice and Oil Make the Difference (May 29, 2007)
While the myriad activists rally to intervene in Darfur, where several hundred thousand innocents have died, far fewer people – politicians and public alike – acknowledge the estimated 3-4 million deaths in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This Guardian article argues that the perceived ethnic make-up of the groups in conflict in Darfur – “Arab killers” versus “African victims” - is one reason for the disproportionate attention given to Sudan. The other reason, the author claims, is oil interest, particularly that of China and the US. The article says that “liberal interventionism” is prone to double standards and disaster.

MoD Trains Sudanese Soldiers Linked to Genocide in Darfur (May 28, 2007)
Despite Britain’s accusing the Sudanese government of complicity in violence in Darfur and calling for sanctions against Khartoum, the UK has provided military training for the Sudanese armed forces. Even with the Sudanese government’s serious human rights violations, nine high ranking Sudanese military personnel attended British military schools in 2006-7.(Scotsman)

Darfur: Forget Genocide, There's Oil (May 25, 2007)
This Asia Times Online piece describes Darfur as the battleground for the petroleum geopolitical competition between the US and China. The US has criticized China’s financial and other initiatives to secure raw materials in Sub-Saharan Africa, although securing oil has long been at the heart of Washington’s own foreign policy. The article surmises that the US eagerness to label the Darfur crisis as “genocide” is a move to open up the possibility of NATO “regime change” intervention. Further, the writer accuses the US of fueling the conflict in the region by training the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Army and pouring arms into the region.

China Unlikely to Bow to Critics on Darfur (May 21, 2007)
Critics blame China for propping up Sudan since 2000 by pumping money into the country in exchange for oil. Until recently, China has not put any pressure on the Sudanese government to act on the violence in Darfur and has opposed UN sanctions against the country. Agence France Presse suggests that China’s stance may stem from its principle of non-interference in the affairs of other countries. Yitzhak Shichor, an East Asia expert at the University of Haifa, says that China expects reciprocal non-interference in its own affairs from the international community.

UN Darfur Envoy: Negotiations in Coming Months Vital to Prevent a 'New Generation of Conflict' (May 18, 2007)
UN envoy to Darfur Jan Eliasson lays out his three stage plan for political negotiations in Darfur. Firstly he proposes that the UN and African Union consolidate previous peace initiatives for the region. In the second stage, Eliasson says that rebel groups must co-ordinate to agree on what they want from the government. The last stage will comprise the negotiations themselves involving the rebels and the Sudanese government during which Eliasson expects a ceasefire between all parties involved. (Associated Press)

African Union Force Low on Money, Supplies and Morale (May 13, 2007)
African Union Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare warns that the African Union (AU) peacekeeping force in Darfur may collapse due to lack of funding and equipment. He says that some soldiers have not been paid for three or four months. Rwanda and Senegal have threatened that if Western donors do not give more financial support, they may withdraw their peacekeeping troops from the mission. The Washington Post reports that the shortages are exacerbating the dispute between Khartoum, the AU and the UN over leadership and funding of the extended mission in Sudan.

Darfur Rebels Agree to Hold Unity Talks- Mediators (May 8, 2007)
Reuters reports that a group of Darfur rebel commanders have agreed in theory to meet and discuss a unified position, ahead of possible negotiations with the Sudanese government. The latest peace initiative involving the rebels was initiated by the government of southern Sudan, which said that a rebel unity conference could be held in the south by July.

Peacekeepers Alone Can't Help Darfur - UNHCR Chief (April 24, 2007)
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres says that without a comprehensive political solution in Darfur, peacekeeping operations there can only have limited effectiveness. Gutteres confirms that despite the increasing security risk, UNHCR is planning to increase its presence in West Darfur. Eritrea, which is on good terms with Sudan, says that it is trying to bring all the rebel factions to the negotiating table with the Sudanese government. (Reuters)

Sudan Says Willing to Talk on UN-AU Darfur Operation (April 23, 2007)
Khartoum says that it is willing to discuss the deployment of a UN-African Union (AU) hybrid force in Darfur, but that it will not accept the force “under Western blackmail.” Sudanese Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail criticizes the US and UK for their sanctions threat. He adds that UN funding of AU troops is the way forward for the region. (Reuters)

Sudan Angry at Leak of UN Report on Darfur Abuses (April 19, 2007)
Khartoum's Ambassador to the UN Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem condemns the leaked UN report about disguised planes carrying weapons into the country, saying that it was a deliberate attempt to overshadow positive peacekeeping developments in the region. The report came right after Khartoum’s acceptance of a UN bolstering force in Darfur, and amidst pressure on the Sudanese government from the US and UK either to accept a large UN-African Union hybrid force or face sanctions. (Reuters)

Why Sudan Is Now Allowing UN Troops in Darfur (April 18, 2007)
The Christian Science Monitor analyzes possible reasons for Sudan’s acceptance of UN troops and looks at international reactions to this development. Some analysts feel that China, who has just started to pressure Sudan, made the difference, whilst skeptics say that Khartoum is continuing to string the international community along with its inconsistent actions. Meanwhile, the UK and US continue to put pressure on the country, threatening sanctions if the government does not accept a large UN peacekeeping force in the near future.

UN, African Union Announce Darfur Peace Plan (April 17, 2007)
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and African Union Chief Executive Alpha Oumar Konare announce that following Khartoum’s acceptance of Kofi Annan’s peace plan for Darfur, a 3,000 strong UN peacekeeping force will be deployed in the region by June. They confirm that alongside military deployment, they will intensify efforts to achieve a political solution with the Sudanese government in order to address the crisis continuing in the region. Ban and Konare stress the intention to follow the troop reinforcement with a 20,000-strong hybrid UN-AU force. (Associated Press)

Sudan Uses UN Colors to Disguise Military Flights, Report Says (April 17, 2007)
A confidential report of the UN sanction committee on Sudan finds that the Khartoum government is flying weapons into Darfur in contravention of Security Council resolutions. The leaked report says that disguised planes are being used for aerial surveillance and the bombardment of villages and adds that rebel groups fighting the Khartoum government are also guilty of violating UN resolutions, peace treaty agreements and humanitarian standards. The Panel of Experts recommend that the Security Council tighten the arms embargo imposed on Khartoum. Critics may question the timing and intention of such revelations, as after months of bargaining, the government of Sudan has just accepted UN peacekeepers’ reinforcement of the African Union's mission in Darfur. (New York Times)

UN, African Union Launch Frantic Round of Darfur Diplomacy (April 17, 2007)
Following Khartoum’s agreement to allow UN helicopters and 2,600 UN troops into Darfur to aid the African Union (AU) force there, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and African Union Commission Chair Alpha Oumar Konare met to discuss the third phase of the plan to deploy a hybrid force of about 20,000 AU and UN troops in the Darfur region. The AU force has proved unable to control the violence in Darfur without extra support. (ReliefWeb)

China Says Sanctions on Sudan Over Darfur Would Create New Problems (April 11, 2007)
Assistant Foreign Minister of China Zhai Jun says that there is “much hope” for resolving the conflict in Sudan and is therefore not in favor of “hasty” measures such as imposing broader sanctions on the country. He urges the international community to listen to the views of the Sudanese government and to engage in dialogue with Khartoum on a basis of equal-footing which he believes is more effective than simply telling the government how to act. (Associated Press)

China Urges Sudan to Accept UN Troops (April 10, 2007)
China's Assistant Foreign Minister, Zhai Jun says that China has “exercised all possible efforts, political, economic and others and advised our Sudanese brothers to accept Annan's plan” for the deployment of UN peacekeepers in Darfur. China has recently been criticized for protecting the Sudanese government as a key economic partner. Zhai praised flexibility in the plan but says that there must be “mutual consultations on an equal basis” on the matter. (Associated Press)

UK Agrees to Delay Sanctions Talk for Peace (April 6, 2007)
UK Ambassador to the UN Emyr Jones Parry warns that if there is no “significant progress” soon with the Sudanese government, the UK will go ahead with its plan to push for sanctions against Khartoum. Jones Parry says that the sanctions would target individuals in positions of authority to urge a change of policy on Darfur, and would not be directed against the Sudanese population. He adds that a problem with Sudan is that support for a peace process is not consistent from either the government or from the rebels. (Gulfnews)

UN Chief Seeks to Delay Sanctions Against Sudan (April 3, 2007)
Following the death of five African Union peacekeepers in Darfur, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon asks the US and UK to delay their plans for sanctions against Sudan, saying that he needs more time to press the government in Khartoum to allow more UN peacekeepers into the region. Ban says that he has reached an agreement with Sudanese President Omar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir to hold discussions with the African Union in Addis Ababa to discuss a plan to send a reinforced UN peacekeeping force of more than 2,250 troops to Darfur. (Washington Post)

UN and Sudan Sign Joint Communique to Protect Darfur Operations (March 29, 2007)
In a Joint Communique with the UN the Sudanese government pledges support and protection for all humanitarian operations giving aid to the people of Darfur. Khartoum commits amongst other measures to facilitate the entry of aid workers by changing visa and customs procedures. Representatives of the UN, the Sudanese government, NGOs and the international community will form a committee to monitor and regulate government obligations under the agreement. (MaximsNews)

US Plans New Financial Sanctions on Sudan (March 14, 2007)
The US and UK consider new sanctions against Sudan that would among other things impose travel bans and freeze assets of individuals linked with the events in Darfur. The US administration says that its plans to impose unilateral sanctions are part of a plan to gain Khartoum’s co-operation in allowing a joint UN/African Union force into the region. In addition to the US imposed sanctions, the UK hopes that the UN will also impose sanctions against Sudan widening the existing arms embargo and imposing a no-fly zone over Darfur. (Reuters)

The Politics of Naming: Genocide, Civil War, Insurgency (March 9, 2007)
This London Review of Books article discusses the consequences of a potential humanitarian intervention in Darfur. The author argues that foreign military intervention in Sudan – as lobbied for by the organizations that make up the Save Darfur campaign – will only result in an escalation of violence. Instead the most effective way to end the crisis is to focus on negotiating a political settlement between the different parties and realize that “peace cannot be built on humanitarian intervention.”

The Darfur Conflict: Four Years On (February 28, 2007)
Trocaire reports that the targeting of humanitarian workers in a worsening security situation means that Darfur is not getting the aid that it needs. The article identifies the weakness in the failed Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) – failure to secure widespread participation and agreement – and suggests stronger pressure on the Sudanese government especially from the African Union, the Arab League and China to encourage Khartoum to accept a UN peacekeeping force in the country.

A Hit and Amis in Darfur (February 25, 2007)
The African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) faces great difficulties in its peacekeeping operation. With a weak mandate and poorly trained troops, AMIS is not able to give displaced people the protection they desperately need against government forces and their allies. Mail&Guardian suggests that in addition to the UN’s existing support, AMIS needs South Africa’s monetary contribution as well as field experience to be effective and credible in the long term.

AU, UN Attempt to Break Darfur Stalemate (February 19, 2007)
Mail&Guardian reports that because of continued violence, some parts of Darfur are too dangerous for humanitarian aid workers to operate in, with the consequence that people are dying from lack of healthcare. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir said that the government’s bombing would continue until National Redemption Front rebels “come to peace.” The UN and African Union have sent two envoys, Jan Eliasson and Salim Ahmed Salim to the region. Their main task is again to try and procure a ceasefire among all the different rebel factions, persuading them that the Sudanese government is ready to negotiate a settlement.

Sudan and Neighbors Agree Not to Support Rebels (February 16, 2007)
Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic renew a pledge not to support rebels attacking each other's territory. Past agreements have failed to stop fighting in the region. African Union chairperson John Kufuor says that Sudan’s neighboring states may now be ready to accept a proposal that a joint African Union and United Nations force monitor their borders. Khartoum however, has still not changed its position in rejecting a UN-AU hybrid peacekeeping force in Darfur. (Reuters)

Iraq and Darfur: The Politics of War Crimes (February 9, 2007)
The UN and western powers hypocritically responded to scientific estimations of mass killing in two war crime-laden states, argues this article. Citing flawed methodology, they ignored a Johns Hopkins study’s conclusion that the invasion in Iraq had so far caused 393,000 to 943,000 Iraqi deaths. But, when the Coalition for International Justice and the World Health Organization used the very same methods to calculate civilian deaths in Darfur, the same parties cited those statistics to garner support for UN intervention there. Thus the US and its allies selectively used the statistics in accordance with their political interests. (World Socialist Website)

US Says UN Security Council Frustrated on Darfur (February 6, 2007)
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon awaits an answer to the letter he wrote to Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, detailing a UN support package to aid the existing African Union (AU) forces in the area. To date, Khartoum still has not approved proposals to position a 3000-strong UN unit in Darfur. Ban, who has pledged to make Darfur a priority, says that as soon as UN and AU envoys report back from their trip to Sudan, the Security Council will discuss the next step in the operation. Meanwhile, UN envoy Jan Eliasson hopes to secure a cease-fire agreement involving all the Sudanese rebel groups. (Reuters)

AU Confirms Darfur Air Raids (January 23, 2007)
The Sudan Tribune reports that in contravention of UN resolutions and a peace agreement, Sudan’s airforces have again bombed villages in Darfur. The peace deal was signed by only one of the rebel factions and the African Union say that there are at least a dozen existing groups. After rebels took up arms in 2003, the Sudanese government has responded with indiscriminate air raids against civilian villages. This latest attack comes as a blow to US and African Union efforts to get Darfur’s fractious rebel groups to unite and enter peace talks.

Military Solution No Option in Darfur - UN Envoy (January 17, 2007)
In talks with UN special envoy for Darfur Jan Eliasson, senior Khartoum officials have conceded that violence cannot solve the conflict in the region and agreed to engage talks with rebels who did not sign the May peace deal. Despite Sudan’s Foreign Ministry announcing a ceasefire between the Sudanese government and the rebels, some rebel factions claim that they have not agreed to a truce. Meanwhile Khartoum continues to reject deployment of a UN peacekeeping force but consents to technical support personnel to help the African Union's force. (Reuters)


More Information on the Security Council
Archived Articles from 1998-2004
More Information on Peacekeeping

GPF home page